JNS
The American commentator discusses U.S.-Israel relations and Trump's foreign policy ahead of lighting an Independence Day torch in Jerusalem.
In the year and a half since the Oct. 7 terrorist invasion from Gaza, Ben Shapiro, a Jewish-American publicist, author and thought leader, has become a fixture in Israeli public discourse.
He hasn't left the information battlefront for a moment, debating journalists who know nothing about Israel but are quick to attack it, answering critics in the media, and fighting back on every possible front.
Shapiro's uncompromising advocacy for Israel has earned him many enemies worldwide. Last week, when it was announced he had been chosen to light a torch at the state Independence Day ceremony on Mount Herzl in Jerusalem, it became apparent that he has critics in Israel as well.
A vocal minority from the left attacked Shapiro and those who selected him, attempting to portray him as "controversial"—a familiar tactic used whenever Israel decides to honor someone who fights relentlessly for the country without self-pity or selfish calculation, but doesn't belong to the "correct" left-wing circles.
Shapiro remains unfazed by attempts to smear him as "backward" regarding homosexuality, abortion and transgender issues.
"I've seen many attempts to distort my actual positions from many on the Israeli left, particularly in the media," he says in an interview with Israel Hayom.
But more than anything, he doesn't understand what connection his positions on these and other issues, whether someone likes them or not, have to the underhanded attempt to disqualify his selection to light the Independence Day torch.
"After all, even those who disagree with me on these issues should celebrate and honor the establishment of the State of Israel, which represents the fulfillment of God's promise to the Jewish people and stands as a bulwark against enemies of the West,” he says.
“While I'm always happy to discuss my views and do so daily—for instance on my podcast, which is listened to by millions of people—what's far more important, particularly at this time in history, is recognizing that despite all our disagreements, we must not undermine the unity of celebrating Israel's Independence Day."
Due to his willingness to defend Israel in every forum and at all times, he's often called "Israel's defender."
"That label is a great honor for me," Shapiro, 41. acknowledges. "I'm certain every decent person should defend Israel in its war against genocidal and monstrous enemies like Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and their sponsor—Iran.
“Today, defending Israel simply means telling the truth about it—there are too many people willing to lie or hedge to avoid controversy.”
Q: Have you experienced breaking points where you thought about giving up and simply disappearing for a while?
Ben Shapiro: In the battle we're fighting after the October 7 massacre, the option to "give up and simply disappear" doesn't exist, especially when all that's required of me is to speak.
The toughest part of my job in the post-October 7 environment is keeping my composure when faced with those who openly advocate for the destruction of Israel and the murder of Jews. I'm not one of the IDF soldiers risking their lives going door-to-door in Gaza or flying sorties over Beirut.
Q: How has your life changed since the Oct. 7 massacre?
A: Obviously, as an American Jew, I haven't had to undergo remotely the sort of sacrifice every Israeli family has experienced.
With that said, since October 7, I've spent a lot of effort combating the lies propagated by Israel's enemies about everything from Israel's history to the IDF's incredibly effective and historically virtuous conduct during this war.
Many Americans agree with me and are rooting for Israel to destroy its enemies (by polls, a solid majority)—but the amount of pure vitriol has risen exponentially. That's fine; my job is to handle that stuff. But that vitriol has meant a lot of additional security for my family.
Shapiro indeed requires constant round-the-clock security, as does his wife.
Occasional reminders demonstrate how necessary this is. Since Donald Trump's return to the White House, at least the rampages on university campuses have subsided, and Jewish students feel somewhat safer, but the danger hasn't passed.
Having personally experienced the violent antisemitic atmosphere on American campuses and attempts at forceful silencing by left-wing activists who have appropriated the university space in the U.S., Shapiro supports the Trump administration's measures toward universities.
"Academic freedom at many elite American universities has actually been eliminated by the left," he explains. "Universities like Harvard and Columbia have become indoctrination centers for the far left.
The faculty at these universities is almost universally far-left. Students who dissent run the risk of lower grades; professors who dissent simply won't be hired.
Shapiro is known as one of the harshest critics of the left in his country, consistently exposing the enormous damage caused by woke ideology in every aspect of American life. Beyond domestic issues, Shapiro doesn't hesitate to identify the strong connection between leftist views and hatred of Israel. In this context, he is far from optimistic.
“Left-wing antisemitism springs from a broader ideology that valorizes failure and attacks success," he diagnoses emphatically. "In the left-wing view, those who fail are oppressed and those who succeed are oppressors.
“Israel is the great and only success story in the Middle East—and so the left believes that Israel must have oppressed people in order to achieve that success.
“By the same token, the Palestinians, who have not made a single decision bettering the lives of their people for some 80 years, are treated as victims precisely because of their poverty and support for anti-Jewish violence.”
Q: Will Donald Trump's victory in the U.S. presidential election represent a historic turning point for Israel?
A: It absolutely could. President Trump is the most pro-Israel president in American history, without any doubt whatsoever. That's because President Trump lives in the world of reality. He understands at a fundamental level that Israel's enemies hate the West, and that no bromidic sloganeering about the insipid "two-state solution" will ever make it happen.
President Trump violated the State Department-inspired conventional wisdom that the Palestinian issue had to lie at the center of Middle East peace, and ushered in the Abraham Accords. He's poised to accomplish even more on that front in his second term.
Q: Do you understand Israel's concerns about a deal with Iran, and do you trust Trump and his team not to make concessions to the ayatollahs in an attempt to reach an agreement?
A: I certainly understand Israel's concerns about a deal with Iran—and I fully agree with those concerns. Iran is a radical and tyrannical Islamic theocracy determined to wipe Israel from the map.
Instead of seeking to build better lives for Iranians, the government oppresses its citizens and channels its hatred toward the murder of Jews, Sunni Muslims, and other enemies across the region. Their nuclear ambitions are the final step in their attempt to rebalance the entire region in their favor.
Only a complete and final end to the Iranian nuclear program ought to be contemplated by America and its allies. But I'm skeptical of the current special envoy, Steve Witkoff, who continues to express warm feelings toward the governments of Qatar and Russia, and who has erred repeatedly in his Iran negotiations.
Q: What are the trends in US public opinion toward Israel since the Oct. 7 massacre?
A: Israel, by the polling data, has become less popular on both sides of the aisle since October 7. To be fair, Israel was always in trouble with the American left, precisely because of the ideology we've discussed.
The American right, however, is increasingly split between Americans who support Israel for reasons of biblical solidarity—many religious Christians, for example, and Americans who support Israel because they believe, correctly, that Israel is our country's strongest ally in the region and an invaluable source of military strength, intelligence and technological development.
Then there are “isolationists," who oppose Israel because they oppose American involvement anywhere in the world; and a small but growing group of antisemites who accuse Jews and Israel of "controlling American foreign policy" and who routinely spread lies about Israel's war effort.
Q: What are the prospects of improving Israel's image in other parts of the world—Europe, Latin America or Africa?
A: I think Israel should focus less on somehow "improving its image" and more on success. The high-water mark for Israel's hasbara efforts wasn't billboards in Buenos Aires with pictures of Tel Aviv beaches. It was simultaneously exploding thousands of pagers in the hands of Hezbollah terrorists. When Israel demonstrates that it is strong, brave, innovative, and bold, it wins allies.
Between Zelenskyy and Putin
Several days before arriving in Israel for the Memorial and Independence Day ceremonies, Shapiro visited Ukraine and conducted an extensive interview with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
His insights on the prospects for ending the Russia-Ukraine war are particularly intriguing, as he also recognizes the paradox: although there are similarities between the threats and attacks on Israel and Ukraine, the response of American administrations toward them is completely different—the Biden administration supported Ukraine but tied Israel's hands; the Trump administration supports Israel but is less enthusiastic about standing by Ukraine.
According to Shapiro, the reason for the difference sometimes lies in American domestic politics and reactionism. "Biden's pathetic behavior with regard to Israel is a result of his party's steady move away from Israel," Shapiro explains.
"Trump, on the other hand, supports Israel genuinely and sincerely," he continues. "And regarding Ukraine, I suspect he's reacting to the previous administration: If the Democrats supported Ukraine unconditionally, I'll change that..."
"The best policy would be strong American support for both Israel and Ukraine," Shapiro asserts.
Q: What's the likely scenario for continued negotiations between Ukraine and Russia?
A: I don't think the failure of negotiations in Ukraine will be up to President Trump or even Zelenskyy. The question is what Putin wants. And the answer seems to be the takeover of Ukraine—and if he can't get that right away, then a clear path to accomplishing that within the next few years.
The most likely solution here would be a Korean War-style armistice, in which the lines freeze where they are and a demilitarized zone is established.
But Russia likely won't acquiesce to that either, unless the U.S. and Europeans were willing to stop offering carrots and start offering some sticks—much heavier shipments of better weaponry, for example, to compel Putin to take an off-ramp.
Originally published by Israel Hayom.
